AUTHOR: AKANKSHA TIWARI
The concept of class has been central to British politics since the early 1960s. Britain, in the mid-20th century, was dominated by the working class, nearly 60% of the population comprised manual laborers. However, in the 21st century, the class structure has changed its shape – modern British politics is primarily focused on marginalizing the working class. The size of the working class has undergone a significant reduction in contrast to the stark growth of a socially limited but financially bloated super-rich fraction. In unequal and socially differentiated societies such as Britain, being identified as the working class is looked down upon. People now prefer to associate themselves with the minority middle-class population essentially to enhance their self-esteem. Thus, the transition from a large homogenous working class and a small middle class to a larger group of heterogeneous middle classes and a smaller working class is a result of growing psychological and political identification in Britain.
CHANGING TRENDS AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS
Despite the increase in the political representation of women and ethnic minority MPs, the disproportionate class and educational representation of the British elites in the parliament and government should not go unnoticed. The proportion of MPs from the working-class background has declined over the years, whereas there has been an increase of MPs who went to universities, in contrast to their voters. It is imperative to understand that private schooling in Britain is an indication of upper and upper-middle-class status. It is also an indication of the fact that in a country like Britain, the alumni of a small number of expensive schools and exclusive universities hold a wildly disproportionate share of the nation’s power, wealth, and top jobs. An example is the cabinet of Liz Truss and Boris Johnson in recent history has had the highest proportions of private school-educated ministers since the early 1990s whereas, Prime Minister Rishi Sunak’s cabinet has the second-highest proportions of university-educated ministers in four decades. Furthermore, nearly three out of four senior civil servant posts are from the privileged sections of society. The disadvantaged class only
comprises 18% of senior civil servant positions. Evidently, the bureaucrats in Britain remain significantly under-represented and struggle to attain promotions. Thus, the above evidence demonstrates the lack of representation of the working class and the domination of political authority by the country’s elite. But how does such an arrangement affect the people of Britain? Well, it matters greatly mostly because democratic institutions should aim to look like the people who elect them. More importantly, political institutions that do not reflect the society at large, do not benefit society at large. Based on this, the recent turmoil in British politics hints not only towards the short tenure of Liz Truss as the Prime Minister but also the inefficiency of the Conservative Party. The Conservative Party came to power in 2010. It is a group of individuals who are more affluent and older than the typical United Kingdom residents. The leaders of the Conservative Party have failed to reflect the social background of their voting population like the Tory leaders – Rishi Sunak, Liz Truss, and Boris Johnson. The mass electorate or the working-class voters are less likely to resonate with leaders from privileged backgrounds. Therefore, a politician from a strong working-class background who pledges to fight for the poor may seem more credible to a working-class voter than a multimillionaire aristocrat. As a result, voters from the working class may be more inclined to believe that the party in question supports and defends their interests if it has a large number of MPs from that class. Furthermore, their inability to resonate with the real world has led to the creation of flawed policies like that of the Truss-Kwasi Kwarteng ‘mini-budget.’ In other words, the Conservatives are still stuck in the glories of Britain’s past with no intention of making headway. The same is the case with the Labour Party which has seen a considerable decline in the representation of the working-class MPs. In the 1920s, over 70% of MPs in the Labour Party were drawn from working-class backgrounds. However, this trend has declined drastically from the mid-80s and today only around 8% of Labour MPs are working-class. The dramatic reduction in working-class MPs is partly a result of political recruitment; the decline of traditional trade unions and access routes into politics for working-class individuals. While careerism has increased as a result of improved earnings in the industry, there has also been a surge in politically-related occupations like lobbying that have offered efficient entrances into parliament. Careerists have an added incentive to pursue the profession because they are more likely to hold cabinet positions after being elected as MPs. Thus, as a result of such inconsistencies, there has been increasing electoral volatility and increasing support of minor parties as the major parties are way too similar and stagnant in their approach. Furthermore, the political participation of the working class, the less educated, and the poor has declined considerably.
Britain now has its first Prime Minister of Asian descent. Prime Minister Rishi Sunak’s rise to power is celebrated globally as a mark of diverse representation in a considerable pool of white conservative aristocrats. However, it must be noted that his rise to success is not that of an ordinary immigrant. His story is not that of an average working-class politician neither is he an outsider to the stubborn bureaucracy clouding Britain. Rishi Sunak, a brown-skinned multi-millionaire, represents a minority, certainly not the Asian, Black, or other minority communities of Britain but the minority of Plutocrats. As a Tory leader, Sunak too supports a strong ideological commitment to increase the wealth and privileges of Britain’s small oligarch class at the expense of the general public. He has also voted against extending school meals to poor children and providing compensation to the disabled, promised a reduction in capital gains taxes and higher taxes on banks, enormous price rises, racist policies, and attacked campaigns for equal rights and education.
Nevertheless, the Prime Ministership of Rishi Sunak is a subtle reminder of shifting dynamics in multicultural democracies. He offers a taste of what the future might hold. While the physical manifestation of power may change, its fundamental structure often does not. Those who live through it might be able to witness what was once considered to be impossible. To conclude, class politics in Britain, unquestionably, requires several reforms- primarily the restructuring of the social composition of the parliament. It affects how people participate in everyday politics, perceives politics, and engage in public life more frequently. A more class-representative Parliament and government would be better able to recognize various communities’ experiences and create legislation that will benefit the underprivileged. While all parties have made successful attempts to broaden the representation of races and genders, they have not done the same for classes. If we fail to try to address this, public confidence in British politics will continue to decline.
*“The views expressed in the article are author’s personal and are not endorsed by the Global Policy Consortium (GPC) or assumed by their members”
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