Global Policy Consortium

AUTHOR: Arpon Sarki, Assistant Professor, Harishchandrapur College, West Bengal, India.

Presently, India has surpassed China as being one of the largest populated countries in the world, boasting a staggering figure of over 1.43 billion individuals. However, it is disheartening to note that India lags behind in terms of female population, with tens of millions fewer women and girls than anticipated. Forecasts from the World Bank indicate that by 2031, there will be an additional 51 million men in the country, exacerbating an already troubling situation with 31 million more men than women. In the backdrop of India’s democratic society, gender inequality is universally acknowledged as a formidable hurdle in the path of establishing an egalitarian and righteous social structure. The inherent right to life, which serves as a bedrock of human life, is enshrined in Article 21 and has offered solace and nourishment to various other rights. Regrettably, the escalating number of missing women in India serves as a stark reminder that many women are being deprived of this fundamental right.

Amartya Sen and the afterword discourse: Amartya Kumar Sen, an Indian Nobel laureate, economist, and philosopher, presented the concept of “missing women” in the British Medical Journal in 1992. He estimated 100 million missing women, with 80% from India and China. Sen argued that women are hardier than men and survive better at all ages, including in utero. Social factors, such as the impact of men’s deaths in the last world war and more cigarette smoking and violent deaths among men, may explain the low female: male ratios in Asian and North African countries. He also discussed the comparative neglect of female health and nutrition, particularly during childhood. He also noted that despite a substantial reduction in female mortality, a new female disadvantage in natality has been introduced through sex-specific abortions. Similarly according to a study by Klasen and Wink (2002), close to 100 million women in Asia are missing (which includes having died because of discriminatory treatment in access to health and nutrition or through pure neglect). China and India each have about 42.6 million missing women. For example, the number of “missing women” in the early 1990s is larger than the combined deaths from all famines in the 20th century, also exceeding the combined death toll of the two world wars. Potential consequences of such imbalances, research suggests, include large numbers of frustrated men who cannot find partners, possible violence as well as a growing sex industry and sexual trafficking.

Discourse of estimate and reason: India’s demographic has a historically low sex ratio, with the lowest in the world throughout the 20th Century. This has led to the “missing females” phenomenon, with India having a 48.04% female population compared to a 51.96% male population. The country has slipped 28 places to rank 140th among 156 countries in the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report 2021, becoming the third-worst performer in South Asia. India has closed 62.5% of its gender gap to date, ranking 112th among 153 countries in the Global Gender Gap Index 2020.

The Asia-Pacific Human Development Report published for UNDP in 2010 also claims that the countries of South Asia are characterized by large gender gaps and basic capabilities in terms of education, health, nutrition, and employment opportunities. As per the 2014 social institution and gender index, more than 90 million women have been missing around the world, 80% of these missing women are from India and the People’s Republic of China. India accounts for 45.8 million of the world’s 142.6 million “missing females” over the past 50 years, with the country and China making up the majority of such women globally. The 2018 Economic Survey revealed that India has 21 million “unwanted girls,” who are alive but likely disfavored by their parents. These girls receive less healthcare and schooling, with life-long effects on their well-being.

The distorted sex ratio in India is a result of prevalent gender inequality, discrimination against girls, and preference for sons. The country faces one of the highest female feticide and infanticide rates in the world, with about a million female fetuses aborted annually. Girls in India are traditionally considered less important and face a life-long process of discrimination, leading to a shorter lifespan. Social scientist Kamla Bhasin argues that the situation arises from a patriarchal and capitalist mindset prevalent in the country. India’s population sex ratios are abnormally higher due to prenatal sex selection favoring male births over female births. While there is a shift towards sex-selective abortion, the availability of sex-selective technology may increase the net proportions of girls “missing” rather than simply substituting for lower technology methods.

Breaking the conspiracy of silence: The problem of missing women appears to be a complex aggregate outcome of several individual and family-level behaviors. These behaviors emerge from interactions between economic circumstances, cultural traditions, and values, and evolved parenting biases and mating preferences. Challenging the ‘conspiracy of silence’ is therefore very tough mainly because people are very much less concerned about the issue of missing women and we found talking about this stigma at a minuscule level. In India, the educated are more likely to engage in illegal sex-selective abortions, to the extent that they can afford it, according to a 2011 study. Further, the Health Index released by the NITI Aayog in February shows that in recent years, the girl-to-boy sex ratio at birth has dropped in 17 out of 21 large States in India, including West Bengal, Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra. Only in Bihar, Punjab, and Uttar Pradesh has the sex ratio improved.

The   Planning Commission of India has called the imbalance in the sex ratio “a silent demographic disaster in the making.” Various policies have been adopted to address these imbalances. For the problem of missing girls, governments have challenged the cultural preference for sons over daughters, prohibited sex-selective abortion, provided financial incentives and scholarship programs to families with daughters, and loosened fertility control policies. It is an important issue whether babies and pre-natal girls get equal treatment or not from their families.  In some parts of the world, it seems sons are really getting preferred. In terms of medical care and attention, boys are getting much more than girls. In other words, women are missing because of the free natal state and the baby girl perhaps did not get the same attention, care, and medical treatment as received by the young boy and this is a scary thought. The solution, according to Sen is to improve female education improve female employment opportunities, and also improve the quality of norms that treat women in society in general Kerala does not have the same problem.

The challenge of gender is long-standing, probably going back millennia, so all stakeholders are collectively responsible for its resolution. Cultures do not stand still. Contemporary Indian culture is also a product of globalization and the economic needs of a fast-growing economy. Government programs in India that criminalize doctors, place pregnant women under surveillance, or offer women financial incentives not to abort female fetuses have all produced mixed results at best. Rather, the situation calls for a frank acknowledgment of the future problems and costs of sex-selective abortions, and more proactive measures, in both public and private sectors, to ensure that women are also benefiting from the country’s economic transformation India must confront the societal preference, even meta-preference for a son, which appears inoculated to development. The skewed sex ratio in favor of males led to the identification of “missing” women. But there may be a meta-preference manifesting itself in fertility-stopping rules contingent on the sex of the last child, which notionally creates “unwanted” girls, estimated at about 21 million. Consigning these odious categories to history soon should be society’s objective. It is worth worrying about balancing numbers i.e., sex ratio but it is equally important to have state policy that actually seeks to create the condition for meaningful life chances, beginning with those of girls and women.

*“The views expressed in the article are author’s personal and are not endorsed by the Global Policy Consortium (GPC) or assumed by their members”

AUTHOR: Niteesh Shanbog Research Associate, IIT Delhi holds a Master of Public Policy (MPP) from the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT), Delhi as well as a Master’s and Bachelor’s degree in Electrical Engineering from PES University and BMSIT, Bengaluru. Niteesh commenced his professional journey as a Junior Research Fellow at the Central Electronics Engineering Research Institute (CSIR CEERI). His academic and professional pursuits reflect his keen interest in the power sector, particularly the evolving areas of energy transition, sustainability, and climate change. Niteesh has made significant contributions to projects focusing on energy and capacity markets, the design of indigenous water treatment plants, and modeling the impact of droughts, demonstrating his commitment to addressing these critical global issues.

Petroleum and related sectors are the backbone of Saudi Arabia’s economy. With almost one-fifth of the world’s known reserves, Saudi Arabia leads the world in terms of oil reserves. The discovery of oil completely transformed Saudi Arabia’s economy. Even though oil was discovered in 1938, until the close of the second world war, oil production was slowed. To fulfill the rising postwar demand, the Ras Tanura refinery was established in 1945, and the oil sector quickly expanded. Since the 1970s, electricity production has expanded quickly. Power generation was initially decentralized but gradually became centralized under state supervision in the second half of the 20th century. A centralized state entity was given control over all electricity production in 2000 to create a comprehensive national grid. The majority of the kingdom’s generators run on diesel and natural gas.

Saudi Arabia and other Gulf producers have been attempting to enter the nuclear and renewable energy industries. They are driven by multiple motivations to find oil substitutes. The Gulf oil-producing nations like Saudi Arabia, UAE, Kuwait, and Qatar have experienced demographic and economic growth over the past three decades, making them major energy users as well. Due to the extreme heat and scarcity of natural water supplies, it has become more necessary to use oil and gas to generate the electricity needed to cool buildings and desalinate seawater. More oil could be exported if renewable and nuclear energy sources took their place, also motivating the transition along with other sustainability concerns.

The Saudi Arabian energy revolution has made tremendous progress, spearheaded by the National Vision 2030. Saudi Vision 2030 is a strategic plan to diversify Saudi Arabia’s economy, lessen its reliance on oil, and expand public service areas like health, education, infrastructure, recreation, and tourism. Significant energy subsidy reforms have been implemented, and the renewable energy industry has experienced rapid growth. Due to the global decline in oil prices and demand and rising domestic energy demands, a quick transition away from oil is now necessary. Moreover, the energy transition efforts in the Gulf Cooperation Council region are influenced by several geopolitical and non-economic variables. Interestingly, the development of large-scale renewable energy projects and nuclear power is justified in the local media with non-economic arguments like status and modernity. Despite significant support from the ruling monarchy, the energy transition faces many challenges.

Technological Barriers to Transition

The pace of energy transition faces multiple technological challenges. While many technologies, such as batteries, solar power, and wind energy, have significantly lowered capital and operation costs and crossed key adoption barriers over the years, there are still severe technological gaps in other fields, such as industry and mobility. Additionally, along with new technologies, increasing the energy efficiency of existing systems and processes is necessary to achieve the goal of the energy transition. By lowering energy consumption and peak load, energy efficiency reduces the strain on national budgets, boosts the competitiveness of industries and services, creates jobs, reduces fuel poverty, and enhances system reliability. To make the transition to renewable energy cost-effective, extensive restoration of existing structures and electrification of end uses are required.

The terrain of Saudi Arabia presents several technological difficulties in producing electricity from renewable sources. First, because their yields are based on the weather, wind, and solar energy are intermittent. Maintaining the equilibrium between energy availability and demand for a reliable power system becomes more difficult due to this uncertainty. Finding practical and affordable techniques to lessen the effects of high heat, dust, and humidity on solar panels is another difficulty for Saudi Arabia. With prolonged exposure to high ambient temperature and sunlight, the electricity production and efficiency of the PV systems reduce drastically. The PV module’s surface is also covered in dust due to the desert-like conditions, inhibiting solar radiation from reaching the cells through the glass cover.

Moreover, Saudi Arabia has a sizable infrastructure that is wholly hydrocarbon-based and is constructed to last for another 30 to 50 years. Existing physical and human resources generate a very strong technological lock that makes setting up and using new technologies necessitate importing expertise.

Political Barriers to Transition

In Saudi Arabia, the energy transition issue is particularly confusing for an outsider. Profits from oil sales provide the kingdom with political stability and the monarchy with legitimacy. Climate change is practically an identity crisis issue for an absolute monarchy that depends entirely on oil export. Transitioning without ruining the oil market requires creativity. By committing to ”net-zero” emissions targets, they would have to reduce greenhouse gas emissions within their borders while continuing to export fossil fuels overseas. The kingdom has utilized oil revenue to preserve domestic stability, acquire regional clout, and increase influence. The funds have been used to strengthen the national army and give residents perks like well-paying public sector jobs, free health care, higher education, fuel subsidies, land for building homes, and lucrative pensions. Without this patronage system, the Gulf monarchs would be forced to relax their restrictions on political expression or become even more restrictive, which presents a substantial political obstacle to fully embracing the energy revolution.

The recent outbursts of Saudi Aramco’s chief, who criticized the goals of the energy transition as being unrealistic, demonstrate Saudi Arabia’s behavior of walking on a tightrope. Even though they have ambitious domestic transition plans, the monarchy calls for lowering the global emissions targets to a more ”realistic” target. Saudi has long argued that focusing on climate change at the expense of global energy security will worsen inflation and other economic problems, even though it benefits from any oil crisis.

The dominant trader mindset in traditional Arab society also stifles innovation because it places too much emphasis on immediate financial gain at the expense of possible long-term profits from Investment in research and development and entrepreneurship. There is a perception that notions like environmental policy integration are mainly relevant to domestic Western politics. Local businesses also demonstrate limited expertise in the renewable business area.

Policy Barriers to Transition

With decades of investing, Saudi Arabia has established its oil industry and infrastructure. Energy and services of all types are also substantially subsidized. The difficulty facing policymakers in this area is to create an environment that encourages the use of renewables. The subsidies provided significantly impact Saudi Arabia’s public finances, which are severely unsustainable over the long term. The government is currently feeling the aftereffects of this policy, and the Vision 2030 document’s suggestions are primarily aimed at taking some action to diversify and reform the Saudi economy.

Although transition plans are in place in Saudi Arabia, numerous obstacles and difficulties make it challenging to carry them out in a way that will allow planned goals to be met. Doing business in Saudi Arabia carries considerable risk, just like in other developing nations. To make using renewables cheaper, it needs to be competitive and, have negligible interference from regulators. The participation of the private sector acts as a strong stimulant to the transition plans. The private sector is consistently reluctant to invest in the Middle East, particularly in a nascent industry like renewables. From the perspective of the investor, the influence of politics and business appears to be the critical difficulty or even the root of the likely risk of market involvement.

Since Saudi Arabia’s current electricity rates are much below marginal costs, users have little financial motivation to conserve or utilize electricity more effectively. Therefore, the high subsidy is a problem that must be addressed as part of a comprehensive energy policy strategy. If used wisely, it can drastically alter the economics of renewable energy.

Way Forward and Conclusion

The energy transition is cross-sectoral and requires coordinated effort and collaboration amongst players spanning various institutions and sectors. Saudi Arabia can benefit from the institutional frameworks currently in place for the energy transition. However, further, improved coordination between various institutions and sectors is necessary when planning the energy transition to minimize the risks of competing strategies, added regulatory barriers, or inefficient resource allocations. Saudi Arabia has the financial and human resources to improve its national innovation system and foster collaboration among all parties who could be engaged in energy innovation, including the academia, private, and public sectors. In addition to reducing reliance on other nations for importing technology and know-how, increasing localization of alternative energy technologies is crucial for the Kingdom’s competitiveness in a dynamic energy market. Localization is significant as most imported technologies do not function well in the hostile terrain of Saudi Arabia.

Another issue that must be carefully addressed to ensure the success of renewable projects is the localization of the workforce and the absence of professional and trained labor. To achieve these challenges, universities and other academic institutions must give skill training the proper attention. For Saudi Arabia, efficient utilization of fossil fuels and a higher proportion of renewable energy sources would be advantageous in several ways. Reduced domestic fossil fuel consumption would increase the amount of oil and natural gas that could be exported, contributing to the stability of the Gulf area.

Politics and corruption have formed a knowledge gap that prevents the public from becoming concerned about global energy issues in exchange for cheap electricity. More knowledge must be disseminated through the media to raise educational awareness and broaden the body of energy transition knowledge.

While Saudi Arabia and the other Gulf countries have ambitious plans for domestic energy transition, the path forward is striven with numerous challenges. How the monarchy approaches the challenges defines the success of the transition.

*“The views expressed in the article are author’s personal and are not endorsed by the Global Policy Consortium (GPC) or assumed by their members”

AUTHOR: Pitamber Kaushik works as a freelance writer and journalist. His articles have previously been featured in publications such as Asia Times, The Hindu, The Telegraph, Gulf News, South Asia Monitor, Brussels Times, Helsinki Times, and The New Delhi Times. His essays have been featured in a variety of publications during the last six months, including, Asia Times, Cultural Daily, Business Manager Magazine, The Business Standard, Eurasia Review, Unsustainable Magazine, Business Review Afrika, Punjab Today, e-architect Magazine, Baltic Review, and Africa Business Magazine.

The small, landlocked Southeast Asian nation of Laos shares borders with Vietnam, Cambodia, Thailand, Myanmar, and China. In spite of being a humble economy, Laos could prove to be a crucial strategic bastion for India for multiple economic, geopolitical, strategic, and sociocultural reasons.

Laos is a resource-rich country, with significant deposits of minerals, including gold, copper, and coal, as well as abundant natural resources, including forests and water resources. Moreover, Laos is strategically located along the Mekong River, which provides an important trade route connecting Southeast Asia with China. India could benefit from Laos’s plentiful natural resources, as well as from its position along the Mekong River, by investing in infrastructure projects, such as roads, ports, and railways, to improve connectivity and trade between the two countries. The country’s large resource reserves and strategic location make it an attractive destination for foreign investment. India could leverage this growth potential by investing in infrastructure development, particularly in the areas of energy, transportation, and communication. India’s expertise in these areas could also help Laos to overcome some of the persistent logistical and infrastructural challenges it faces, such as poor road networks and limited electricity supply. India’s extensive experience with hydropower would prove pertinent in helping harness the country’s immense hydel potential. It is vital for India to gain the first-mover advantage in such sectors and consolidate its presence by investing in the creation of the fundamental infrastructure of the country which would yield both nations immense long-term benefits. As Laos gradually opens its cloistered market and eases trade and business restrictions, it offers a promising opportunity for both the Indian government as well as Indian companies to leverage their developmental experience to transform the sequestered economy by laying out fundamental infrastructure, providing vital technical knowhow, streamlining resource utilization, and creating innovative grassroots developmental solutions. India could prove instrumental in the country’s recovery from its pandemic slump by lending its expertise in fostering the development of medium and small enterprises which constitute the bulk of the country’s economy. In the past decade, India has used policy interventions, incentivization, and digital facilitation to promote impressive grassroots economic development and revitalize its economy. India can help Laos formulate government initiatives that provide a stable facilitative policy framework for businesses and enterprises to open and grow, create robust extensive digital infrastructure to ensure convenience and connectivity, and simplify, rationalize, and contextualize regulations to stimulate economic activity. Indian enterprises can help the country modernize and systematize its mining and agricultural sectors, avail affordable and accessible telecommunication services, and provide a symbiotic milieu of varied digital services, helping Laos return to its former track of economic ascent. Currently, Laos has a high debt dependency on China, having half of its debt due to the ambitious, expansionist superpower notorious for its record of enticing, manipulating, strategically coercing, and ultimately capsizing small, developing economies in the Global South by means of debt traps. Various international agencies, intergovernmental bodies, and experts have expressed concerns over Laos’s debt structure and pattern of borrowing. Laos needs to look no further than the recent victim Sri Lanka whose economy is collapsing under the burden of Chinese credit. Laos could thus seek a far more benevolent and beneficent lender in India, a benign democracy, a development-focused nation, and a gentle giant that doesn’t have direct imperial interests in the country.

Laos is located in the heart of Southeast Asia and shares borders with five nations, making it an important geopolitical player in the region. India has been seeking to expand its influence in Southeast Asia as part of its “Act East” policy, and Laos could serve as a gateway for India to increase its presence in the region. Laos has traditionally had close ties with Vietnam, which could also prove advantageous to India in its efforts to deepen its engagement with Vietnam, a crucial ally in its geopolitical tug-of-war with China. Developing infrastructure in Laos would also provide India the benefit of adroitly manifesting its presence along a central stretch of the Mekong River, the lifeline of Southeast Asia, yielding key strategic, tactical, logistic, and resource benefits. Although Laos does not border any sea or ocean, its ensconced location makes it a secure bastion in proximity to China with the relatively stable and neutral states of Vietnam, Cambodia, and Thailand providing a political buffer, lowering risks of conflict. The presence of a shared vital river basin further lowers the risk of intrusion, assault, or sabotage attempts by China. Laos shares a relatively small but strategically important border with China and India’s establishment of a diplomatic and economic stronghold in the country would help it keep a closer watch over the southeastern frontiers of its archnemesis.

Laos has traditionally maintained a neutral foreign policy, which makes it a valuable partner for India as it seeks to balance its relationships with other countries in the region, such as China and the United States. In addition, Laos is a member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which gives India an opportunity to engage with other member states and participate in regional forums. India and Laos could work together to promote regional stability and advance shared interests such as economic development, energy security, and environmental sustainability. It is favorable for Laos to accept India as a trustworthy strategic economic partner for several reasons. India and Laos both have a colonial past and investments and undertakings by India are likely to be viewed less suspiciously than those by former imperial-colonial powers. India’s economic journey is essentially a stepwise transition from a quasi-socialist, quasi-closed market to a liberalizing economy and open market. Laos, a socialist nation, is hesitantly looking at a similar gradual economic transition. India has gone through decades of struggle with stagflation and could utilize its experience and policy insights to help streamline and stabilize the rather precarious trajectory of Laos’s economic development. Further, India enjoys the convenient middle ground of being a fellow developing Asian nation in relative geographical and cultural proximity to Laos without being its direct neighbor. This could enable it to enjoy the significant familiarity and elicit trust from the country while also avoiding competing interests and averting suspicions of undue influence or imperial motives which, for instance, would naturally arise with neighbor China.

Laos is a multi-ethnic country with a rich cultural heritage. India and Laos share historical and cultural ties, which could serve as a foundation for strengthening bilateral relations. For example, Buddhism is the predominant religion in Laos, India could leverage its status as the origin of Buddhism and its key pilgrimage sites to deepen cultural exchanges and promote people-to-people contacts between the two countries. India could also share its experience in education, healthcare, and tourism to help Laos develop its human capital and promote sustainable economic growth. By fostering intellectual and cultural exchange, India could further its soft power and ideological interests in the country and subsequently the region.

Laos is unique among Southeast Asian nations because of its relative isolation from the rest of the region, its rugged terrain, and its small population. Laos has a distinct cultural identity and has historically been non-partisan and relatively inert in its international relations, which has allowed it to avoid being drawn into conflicts between more extensive powers in the region. Despite its small size, Laos has played an active role in regional diplomacy, particularly as a member of ASEAN.

Although Vietnam, Thailand, and Cambodia are also important partners for India in Southeast Asia, Laos has several unique advantages over these countries. First, Laos is located at the heart of the region, which gives India a strategic foothold in Southeast Asia in its pursuit to expand its presence in the region. Second, Laos has almost consistently maintained a neutral foreign policy over the greater part of its history and has thus far been relatively insulated from foreign influence, making it opportune for a prompt congenial approach and gradual conditioning as an ally to India. Finally, Laos has abundant natural resources, including minerals and water resources, which could be of significant economic benefit to India. As Laos struggles with rising inflation and slowing growth, Indian investments could revive the country’s cloistered economy. Undertaking investments and projects in Laos would afford India a fresh geostrategic vantage point as well as novel perspectives and mutualistic experiences of socioeconomic development. For Laos, India, a stable and peaceful Asian regional superpower that doesn’t have direct geopolitical interests in the region could prove to be a multidimensional mentor and patron, a non-intrusive development ignitor that could bring out the recluse state from its long-time developmental stasis and its protracted recent economic crises.

*“The views expressed in the article are author’s personal and are not endorsed by the Global Policy Consortium (GPC) or assumed by their members”

AUTHOR: AKANKSHA TIWARI

The concept of class has been central to British politics since the early 1960s. Britain, in the mid-20th century, was dominated by the working class, nearly 60% of the population comprised manual laborers. However, in the 21st century, the class structure has changed its shape – modern British politics is primarily focused on marginalizing the working class. The size of the working class has undergone a significant reduction in contrast to the stark growth of a socially limited but financially bloated super-rich fraction. In unequal and socially differentiated societies such as Britain, being identified as the working class is looked down upon. People now prefer to associate themselves with the minority middle-class population essentially to enhance their self-esteem. Thus, the transition from a large homogenous working class and a small middle class to a larger group of heterogeneous middle classes and a smaller working class is a result of growing psychological and political identification in Britain.

CHANGING TRENDS AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS

Despite the increase in the political representation of women and ethnic minority MPs, the disproportionate class and educational representation of the British elites in the parliament and government should not go unnoticed. The proportion of MPs from the working-class background has declined over the years, whereas there has been an increase of MPs who went to universities, in contrast to their voters. It is imperative to understand that private schooling in Britain is an indication of upper and upper-middle-class status. It is also an indication of the fact that in a country like Britain, the alumni of a small number of expensive schools and exclusive universities hold a wildly disproportionate share of the nation’s power, wealth, and top jobs. An example is the cabinet of Liz Truss and Boris Johnson in recent history has had the highest proportions of private school-educated ministers since the early 1990s whereas, Prime Minister Rishi Sunak’s cabinet has the second-highest proportions of university-educated ministers in four decades. Furthermore, nearly three out of four senior civil servant posts are from the privileged sections of society. The disadvantaged class only

comprises 18% of senior civil servant positions. Evidently, the bureaucrats in Britain remain significantly under-represented and struggle to attain promotions. Thus, the above evidence demonstrates the lack of representation of the working class and the domination of political authority by the country’s elite. But how does such an arrangement affect the people of Britain? Well, it matters greatly mostly because democratic institutions should aim to look like the people who elect them. More importantly, political institutions that do not reflect the society at large, do not benefit society at large. Based on this, the recent turmoil in British politics hints not only towards the short tenure of Liz Truss as the Prime Minister but also the inefficiency of the Conservative Party. The Conservative Party came to power in 2010. It is a group of individuals who are more affluent and older than the typical United Kingdom residents. The leaders of the Conservative Party have failed to reflect the social background of their voting population like the Tory leaders – Rishi Sunak, Liz Truss, and Boris Johnson. The mass electorate or the working-class voters are less likely to resonate with leaders from privileged backgrounds. Therefore, a politician from a strong working-class background who pledges to fight for the poor may seem more credible to a working-class voter than a multimillionaire aristocrat. As a result, voters from the working class may be more inclined to believe that the party in question supports and defends their interests if it has a large number of MPs from that class. Furthermore, their inability to resonate with the real world has led to the creation of flawed policies like that of the Truss-Kwasi Kwarteng ‘mini-budget.’ In other words, the Conservatives are still stuck in the glories of Britain’s past with no intention of making headway. The same is the case with the Labour Party which has seen a considerable decline in the representation of the working-class MPs. In the 1920s, over 70% of MPs in the Labour Party were drawn from working-class backgrounds. However, this trend has declined drastically from the mid-80s and today only around 8% of Labour MPs are working-class. The dramatic reduction in working-class MPs is partly a result of political recruitment; the decline of traditional trade unions and access routes into politics for working-class individuals. While careerism has increased as a result of improved earnings in the industry, there has also been a surge in politically-related occupations like lobbying that have offered efficient entrances into parliament. Careerists have an added incentive to pursue the profession because they are more likely to hold cabinet positions after being elected as MPs. Thus, as a result of such inconsistencies, there has been increasing electoral volatility and increasing support of minor parties as the major parties are way too similar and stagnant in their approach. Furthermore, the political participation of the working class, the less educated, and the poor has declined considerably.

Britain now has its first Prime Minister of Asian descent. Prime Minister Rishi Sunak’s rise to power is celebrated globally as a mark of diverse representation in a considerable pool of white conservative aristocrats. However, it must be noted that his rise to success is not that of an ordinary immigrant. His story is not that of an average working-class politician neither is he an outsider to the stubborn bureaucracy clouding Britain. Rishi Sunak, a brown-skinned multi-millionaire, represents a minority, certainly not the Asian, Black, or other minority communities of Britain but the minority of Plutocrats. As a Tory leader, Sunak too supports a strong ideological commitment to increase the wealth and privileges of Britain’s small oligarch class at the expense of the general public. He has also voted against extending school meals to poor children and providing compensation to the disabled, promised a reduction in capital gains taxes and higher taxes on banks, enormous price rises, racist policies, and attacked campaigns for equal rights and education.

Nevertheless, the Prime Ministership of Rishi Sunak is a subtle reminder of shifting dynamics in multicultural democracies. He offers a taste of what the future might hold. While the physical manifestation of power may change, its fundamental structure often does not. Those who live through it might be able to witness what was once considered to be impossible. To conclude, class politics in Britain, unquestionably, requires several reforms- primarily the restructuring of the social composition of the parliament. It affects how people participate in everyday politics, perceives politics, and engage in public life more frequently. A more class-representative Parliament and government would be better able to recognize various communities’ experiences and create legislation that will benefit the underprivileged. While all parties have made successful attempts to broaden the representation of races and genders, they have not done the same for classes. If we fail to try to address this, public confidence in British politics will continue to decline.

*“The views expressed in the article are author’s personal and are not endorsed by the Global Policy Consortium (GPC) or assumed by their members”

Author: Nehal Gaur is currently pursuing a Postgraduate program in Public Policy, Design, and Management at the Indian School of Public Policy. She pursued her M.A. in Political Science from the Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Delhi, and graduated with B.A. (Hons.) Political Science from Lady Shri Ram College. Nehal advocates for inclusive education, gender sensitivity, and mental health awareness

India is a pioneer in building digital public infrastructure and platforms (DPIPs). The country has accelerated its digital transformation in recent times. The accelerated pace can also be attributed to the pandemic as it changed our perspective towards digitization. With the country leapfrogging in the digital economy landscape, it is unfortunate that a digital gender divide stares us in the eye. For India to establish itself as an invincible global leader in the digital economy segment, it has to make serious attempts to bridge the gender digital divide urgently. This can be leveraged to increase women’s abysmal labor force participation rate. India falls below the average female internet users in the lower-middle-income regions and Asia Pacific.

Reasons for the Gender Digital Divide

1. Affordability barrier– The smartphone prices in India are not commensurate with the country’s per capita income. The affordability of devices with internet connectivity acts as a significant barrier to the accessibility of internet-enabled devices for women. If families can afford a single device, it is for the male member of the family. According to Oxfam’s India Inequality report, by the end of 2021, 61 percent of men possessed a mobile phone, while only 31 percent of women had one, indicating a significant difference of 30 percent between the two genders in terms of phone owners.

2. Low digital literacy levels among women- During 2014-16, the government implemented 2 schemes- National Digital Literacy Mission (NDLM) and Digital Saksharta Abhiyan (DISHA). The schemes collectively targeted 52.50 lakh persons (one person from every eligible household across the country). The schemes were later closed and in  2017, the government launched the Pradhan Mantri Gramin Digital Saksharta Abhiyan (PMGDISHA) scheme aimed at 6 crore households. However, the schemes target one person from each household which acts as a barrier and is not reflective of inclusivity. According to the Gender Gap Report (2022) by GSMA, there is a gender gap of 41% in mobile internet usage. The usage gap indicates that women lack the technical know-how and heavily depend on others to access the internet.
3. Socio-cultural barriers- Women who spend time online are awarded a badge of immorality. Studies conducted show that there is a perception that “good girls do not go online.” Viewing an economic opportunity from the morality lens reflects the embedded socio-cultural biases in society. The gatekeepers of women’s honor attach a negative connotation to the online space. They view it as a distraction for women as it can derail them from their household responsibilities. Society targets and blames women for bringing shame and dishonor to the family if they challenge conventional behavioral norms and expectations. Women must maintain the image and reputation of their families by behaving in a socially acceptable and appropriate manner. Several women fear their online presence may lead to harm or cyberbullying. They cannot subject themselves and their families to severe trauma.

Correlation between Access to Digital Technologies and Female Labor Force Participation

According to the World Bank (2021), female labor force participation is 23% in India. The low female labor force is a cause for concern. Women lack financial autonomy which translates into dependence and exploitation. With India’s aspiration of being a $5 trillion economy, it is imperative that women are a part of the labor force. The prosperity of the economy is hugely dependent on women’s participation and their withdrawal from the workforce must be addressed. Access to digital technologies is an enabler for women to enter the workforce. For instance, Project ‘TARA WE ADD’ (Technology & Rural Advancement for Women Empowerment through Annihilating Gender Digital Divide), by Development Alternatives, a civil society organization, aimed at digital literacy highlights how women can get increased incomes and better means of livelihood by acquiring digital skills. Women used the internet to learn new skills, solve queries about issues, and start new businesses.

Bridging the Gender Digital Divide to Improve Women’s Employability

1. Ensure affordability and accessibility of devices- Introducing customized devices for women with essential features can ensure accessibility of devices. Smartphones carry several non-essential features which can be omitted. This can reduce the cost of the devices and make them affordable,
2. Measures to increase digital literacy among women- The one-person per household mandate for digital literacy programs by the government must be reconsidered. As suggested by the Standing Committee on Information Technology’s report titled Review Of National Digital Literacy Mission (NDLM) – Problems And Challenges the government must focus on the scalability of the digital literacy missions. Additionally, digital literacy missions targeted at women can be game-changers for eliminating the gendered divide.
3. Changing perceptions about the online space- Socio-cultural barriers must be tackled by creating safe online spaces for women. Gender-based violence and discrimination on online platforms act as major deterrents for women. Sensitizing women and families by conducting awareness campaigns about leveraging social media for economic gains is absolutely necessary. Women who have established their businesses through access to digital platforms can be role models for other women. The stories of these women must be shared and popularised to reinstate women’s faith in online platforms.

With inclusivity at the forefront of the government’s agenda in the G20 presidency and the budget, it is crucial to address the digital gender divide. Further, there is a positive correlation between the acquisition of digital skills and economic opportunities. In today’s digital age, if women are left behind in access to technology, it will severely affect their employment opportunities. The future of work relies extensively on digitization and automation, and women need to be equipped with the necessary digital know-how to be a part of the workforce. Government initiatives and civil society organizations must amp up their efforts to impart digital skills to women. Inclusivity must be substantive and not remain restricted to the agenda on paper.

*“The views expressed in the article are author’s personal and are not endorsed by the Global Policy Consortium (GPC) or assumed by their members”

AUTHOR: Harshpreet Singh, student at Indian School of Public Policy, New Delhi, India

In the modern era, traditional physical warfare has taken a backseat to alternative forms of conflict such as proxy wars and infrastructural wars, which involve cyber-attacks, espionage, economic sanctions, and support for insurgent groups. India, a nation surrounded by hostile neighbors, faces a constant threat to its national security. Hostile countries like China and Pakistan have been actively supporting insurgent groups and terrorist organizations that have carried out attacks within India’s borders. India’s complex regional dynamics and geographical location make it particularly vulnerable to these non-physical wars, forcing the country to adopt a multifaceted approach to address the challenges.

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a prominent example of how economic and infrastructural development projects can be used to exert influence and gain leverage in other countries. As a significant regional power, India is wary of China’s expanding influence in the region and the impact of the BRI on its economic and security interests. Additionally, Pakistan’s long-standing support for terrorist organizations and insurgency in India’s border regions has resulted in numerous cross-border conflicts and tensions.

Belt and Road Initiative

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), also known as One Belt One Road (OBOR), was launched by China in 2013. The plan intends to connect China to the rest of the globe by building a network of roads, railroads, ports, and other infrastructure.

The Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road are the two key components of the BRI. The Silk Road Economic Belt wants to connect China with Central Asian, European, and Middle Eastern nations, while the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road aims to connect China with countries in South Asia, Southeast Asia, and Africa.

The BRI encompasses many infrastructure projects, including railways, roadways, ports, airports, and pipelines. These projects are intended to boost connectivity and commerce between China and other nations while also encouraging economic growth and development in these countries. However, international communities have flagged serious concerns against this project.

Worldwide Concerns

1. Debt Sustainability

The BRI’s debt trap refers to the scenario where participating nations accumulate substantial debts with China due to loans taken out to finance BRI projects. These loans are typically provided by Chinese state-owned banks or other financial institutions, with limited transparency and without proper feasibility studies. The debt trap becomes problematic when participating nations cannot repay their loans, resulting in a situation where they become heavily indebted to China. This can have significant economic and political consequences for these nations, as China may use its debt as leverage to advance its own interests.

One of the most notable examples of the BRI’s debt trap is Sri Lanka. In 2010, China offered to fund a project to construct a deep-water port in Hambantota, located in southern Sri Lanka. The project was finished in 2017 at the cost of $1.5 billion, and the Sri Lankan government was incapable of repaying its debts to China. As a result, Sri Lanka was compelled to surrender control of the port to China for 99 years in 2017. Additionally, Sri Lanka agreed to lease 15,000 acres of land to China to establish a special economic zone surrounding the port

2. Environmental Concerns

The infrastructure initiatives within the BRI, such as transportation systems and seaports, carry a significant potential for environmental harm if not designed and executed with caution. Despite China’s pledge to cease constructing coal-powered plants abroad by 2021, almost 50% of BRI expenditure has been allocated towards non-renewable energy investments. Additionally, the establishment of dams along the Mekong River may result in reduced water flow downstream, thereby impacting the livelihoods of millions of people who rely on the river. Furthermore, the implementation of water infrastructure projects in water-scarce regions could intensify water scarcity and heighten the risk of water-related conflicts.

3. Geopolitical Concerns

China’s BRI forms an integral part of its wider ambition to expand its sway and dominance in the surrounding areas. By making significant investments and fostering economic integration in nations that hold strategic importance to China, such as Pakistan and Myanmar, there are apprehensions that the BRI could be employed as a tool to secure greater leverage over these countries and extend its influence in the region.

Labor Standards and Human Rights

The implementation of BRI projects often disregards the rights and well-being of local communities and workers. Chinese companies, for instance, have been known to employ their own workers rather than hiring locals, resulting in poor working conditions and exploitation of the latter. The BRI’s collaboration with authoritarian governments and human rights violators in some participating nations raises concerns about the region’s adherence to democratic principles and norms, potentially jeopardizing them. An illustration is the construction of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, criticized for employing forced labor from China’s Xinjiang region, where the Chinese government has been accused of mistreating and imprisoning Uighur Muslims. The use of forced labor contravenes international labor and human rights laws.

Implications on India

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) poses several challenges to India’s national interests. Firstly, the BRI’s development of ports and other infrastructure projects in countries strategically located near India’s coastline, such as Pakistan and Sri Lanka, raises concerns about China’s strategic intentions in the region. China’s heavy investment in these projects could be used to monitor Indian naval activity and project military power in the Indian Ocean. Additionally, constructing a railway line in Nepal, which passes through areas close to India’s border, has further heightened India’s security concerns.

Moreover, the BRI’s financing by China’s state-owned banks and strict lending conditions that lead to debt traps, pose a threat to India’s economic interests. If countries participating in the BRI are unable to repay their debts, China could gain significant leverage over them and potentially displace Indian companies previously involved in infrastructure projects in these regions. Furthermore, the BRI’s emphasis on Chinese companies in the bidding process could create an uneven playing field, making it difficult for Indian companies to compete.

The BRI’s notorious China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) passes through Pakistan-controlled Kashmir, a sovereign territory of India. India has expressed concerns about its territorial integrity being violated, and the CPEC’s construction has raised alarms about increased militarization of the region. This development could exacerbate existing tensions and conflicts between India and Pakistan, both of which possess nuclear weapons. India and China also have disputed territorial claims, particularly along the eastern sector of their shared border, which has led to several military confrontations.

Finally, the BRI aims to create a new global economic system dominated by China, which could weaken India’s regional influence if it is not part of this system. The BRI’s emphasis on infrastructure and connectivity projects in neighboring nations could also create obstacles to India’s efforts to enhance regional connectivity and integration. Moreover, the BRI’s association with failed and authoritarian regimes in participating countries could lead to conflicts with India’s traditional allies in the region. For example, China’s support for Pakistan and its involvement in Sri Lanka’s civil war, which India has criticized, could result in tensions between the two nations.

India’s Response to the BRI

India has implemented various measures to counter the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). One noteworthy initiative was the launch of the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) in collaboration with Russia and Iran back in 2002. This corridor aims to link India with Europe and Russia using a network of roads, railways, and ports, thereby circumventing Pakistan.

Furthermore, India has been promoting the Asia-Africa Growth Corridor(AAGC) in partnership with Japan. The AAGC’s objective is to encourage economic growth and development in Asia and Africa by implementing infrastructure and connectivity projects. India and Japan have been cooperating to identify potential projects and attract investments for the initiative.

India has also revealed several infrastructure development projects such as the Sagarmala project. This project’s objective is to upgrade the ports and maritime infrastructure in the country. Additionally, India has proposed the development of the Chennai-Vladivostok maritime corridor to connect India with Russia using a maritime route.

Apart from these measures, India has been intensifying its relationships with neighboring nations. To foster connectivity and economic development in the region, India has established various agreements with countries such as Japan, Australia, and the United States. Additionally, India has been actively engaged in regional organizations like the QUAD, the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC), and the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) to encourage regional cooperation and integration.

In response to China’s expanding influence in South Asia, India has implemented various measures. These include extending development aid to its neighboring countries and fostering economic cooperation and connectivity in the area. Additionally, India has undertaken infrastructure initiatives in the region, such as the construction of railways and ports.

However, instead of rejecting the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) outright, India could have taken a more diplomatic approach towards it. India could have engaged in constructive dialogue with China to express its concerns and presented alternative suggestions for infrastructure development in the region. Furthermore, India could have implemented economic reforms that would have made it more competitive in the region and invested in its own domestic infrastructure. Additionally, India could have utilized its soft power more effectively by promoting its culture, language, and values and investing in educational and cultural exchange programs with neighboring countries. By doing so, India could have fostered stronger ties with other nations in the region and countered China’s assertive approach, ultimately contributing towards a more stable and harmonious regional order.

Other Expansionism Threats

China’s String of Pearls strategy: China’s String of Pearls strategy is an effort to expand its maritime influence in the Indian Ocean region by building a network of ports and naval bases. This strategy includes the development of ports in countries like Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Myanmar, which are strategically located near India’s coastline. These ports can be used by China to project its military power and increase its influence in the region, which poses a significant threat to India’s national security.

In response, India is implementing a multi-pronged strategy to counter this threat. This includes building ports in strategic locations, installing extensive Coastal Surveillance Radar (CSR) systems to track Chinese warships and submarines, deepening defence ties, and carrying out regular military exercises with the navies of the US, Japan, and Australia.

India’s Act East Policy has also helped it make important strategic agreements with Southeast Asian nations. India has built and is accessing ports in Iran, Indonesia, Myanmar, Bangladesh, and Oman, as well as accessing the Changi Naval Base in Singapore. India has also built Coastal Radar Networks in Bangladesh, the Maldives, Sri Lanka, Mauritius, and Seychelles, and plans to install more systems in these locations. Additionally, India has developed a strategic naval relationship with Myanmar and has made military cooperation agreements with Japan, Australia, and the US.

Pakistan’s support for terrorism: Pakistan’s support for terrorist groups that operate against India is another significant threat that India faces. These terrorist groups are supported by Pakistan’s military and intelligence agencies and are responsible for carrying out attacks on Indian soil. Pakistan’s support for terrorism is a constant challenge to India’s national security and has led to several military conflicts between the two countries.

India’s strategy to counter this threat involves a combination of diplomatic, economic, and military measures. Diplomatically, India has been trying to isolate Pakistan by building alliances with other countries and exposing Pakistan’s support for terrorist activities. India has been urging other nations to put pressure on Pakistan to stop supporting terrorism. Economically, India has been trying to hurt Pakistan’s economy by reducing trade and implementing economic sanctions. India has also been trying to disrupt the flow of funds to terrorist groups by tightening regulations on money laundering and terrorist financing. Militarily, India has been taking preemptive measures to prevent terrorist attacks by conducting surgical strikes on terrorist camps in Pakistan. India has also been investing in its defense capabilities, including modernizing its armed forces and improving border security.

China’s territorial claims: China’s territorial claims over Indian territory, particularly in the eastern sector of the India-China border have been a significant bone of contention. China’s claims over Indian territory have led to several military standoffs between the two countries, including the recent Galwan Valley clash in which 20 Indian soldiers were killed.

India has taken a geographic approach to address the threat posed by China. For example, in Ladakh, India has deployed additional military forces along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and invested in infrastructure development, such as roads and airfields, to enhance its defensive capabilities. In addition to these efforts, India has also engaged in diplomatic talks with China to find a peaceful resolution to the ongoing border issue.

Similarly, in Arunachal Pradesh, India has focused on improving the region’s infrastructure and connectivity, by constructing new roads, bridges, and airfields. India has also reinforced its military presence in the area and increased surveillance to closely monitor Chinese activities along the border. Additionally, India has strengthened its partnerships with neighboring countries like Bhutan and Myanmar to counter China’s growing influence in the region.

Nepal’s territorial claims: Nepal’s territorial claims over Indian territory, particularly in the Kalapani region, are a significant threat. Nepal has claimed that the Kalapani region belongs to it, which India disputes. This territorial dispute has strained the relationship between the two countries, and Nepal has recently released a new map that includes the disputed territory.

The two countries have held multiple rounds of talks to try and resolve the issue, with both sides expressing a desire for a peaceful resolution. India has also emphasized the importance of maintaining strong bilateral ties with Nepal and has provided economic and development assistance to the country. In addition to diplomatic efforts, India has also taken steps to strengthen its military presence along the border with Nepal. This includes building infrastructure and deploying troops to better monitor the border and prevent any potential encroachment by Nepalese forces.

Conclusion

India is currently encountering an array of challenges in its attempts to tackle China’s Belt and Road Initiative as well as other emerging expansionist threats. These challenges possess considerable implications for India’s strategic and economic interests. In response, India has chosen to adopt a comprehensive approach. However, the response of India to these challenges will demand sustained efforts in the long term due to the complex nature of these threats. Despite this, India’s approach reveals its unwavering commitment to safeguarding its national interests while promoting regional stability. As India navigates these challenges, it must remain proactive in its efforts to create strategies and partnerships that can protect its interests while maintaining its leading power status in the region.

*“The views expressed in the article are author’s personal and are not endorsed by the Global Policy Consortium (GPC) or assumed by their members”

AUTHOR: TRIDIVESH SINGH MAINI

In December 2016, the holy city of Amritsar (Panjab, India), home to the Sri Darbar Sahib (Golden Temple) was chosen for the Sixth Ministerial Heart of Asia conference – Istanbul Process (HOA-IP). Members of the HOA-IP include Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, China, India, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Tajikistan, and Turkey. The theme of the conference held in December 2016 was ‘Addressing Challenges, Achieving Prosperity.

Apart from representatives of other member countries of the HOA-IP — Foreign Minister from Pakistan, Sartaj Aziz attended the event. The conference had rekindled hopes, that Amritsar would emerge as a conduit for North India to Central Asia and South Asia as it had been in the past. Amritsar emerged as an important trading hub in the Mid 19th century, and was also an important component of the ‘Silk Road’. 

 In 2007, Former PM Dr Manmohan Singh also referred to the importance of Amritsar in regional connectivity. Said the former PM:

‘I dream of a day while retaining our respective national identities, one can have breakfast in Amritsar, lunch in Lahore and dinner in Kabul. That is how my forefathers lived. That is how I want our grandchildren to live.’

During the former PM’s tenure, several steps had been taken to give a fillip to bilateral trade via the Wagah (Pakistan) – Attari (on the outskirts of Amritsar) land crossing, specifically the construction of the ICP Integrated Check Post at Attari (the total investment was Rs 120 crore). The rise in bilateral trade in 2012-2013 had resulted in giving a boost to the tertiary sector of not just Amritsar, but the border belt of the state and land prices also shot up significantly in Amritsar and surrounding areas.

In the past three years, not only has bilateral trade via Wagah – Attari, between disrupted after the revocation of Article 370, but air connectivity between Sri Guru Ram Das International Airport (Amritsar) and Central Asia which is essential for giving a boost to the economy of Amritsar, and surrounding areas, is limited. The Kartarpur Religious Corridor which connects Dera Baba Nanak (kilometres from Amritsar) with Darbar Sahib, Kartarpur ( Narowal, Pakistan) has been a boon for devotees who want to pay obeisance at Darbar Sahib, the resting place of Guru Nanak Dev, the first Guru of the Sikhs. The number of people crossing over via the corridor however is far less than the targeted number of 5,000 and this has not given the expected boost to the economy of the Panjab (India) border belt. Despite these challenges, Amritsar is an important tourist destination with Sri Darbar Sahib itself attracting 1,00,000 devotees every day. Air connectivity between Amritsar and the rest of India has also increased in recent years, and local infrastructure has improved considerably. 

Prospects of Bilateral Trade 

While there have been calls for revival of trade, especially in Panjab(India) and some indicators from both India and Pakistan, that they are not opposed to the resumption of bilateral trade it remains to be seen whether Islamabad and New Delhi can show the leadership required for resumption of trade. One method suggested for resumption of trade has been a trade in select commodities – especially agricultural ones. 

While in 2021, a go-ahead had been given for the resumption of imports from India, Pakistan’s Economic Coordination Committee had lifted a ban on the import of sugar and cotton from India, this was scuttled due to opposition from cabinet members with Khan’s cabinet. The resumption of trade even in essential commodities would be a win-win for the Pakistani consumer as well as the Punjab farmer who would get much better prices for his produce. 

Amritsar Air Connectivity

If one were to look at air connectivity, Sri Guru Ram Das Ji airport has been neglected, with Delhi International Airport and Mohali International Airport (Punjab) — which caters more to travellers from Chandigarh and Haryana – being given preference. While there have been demands for increasing direct flights between Amritsar and UK, Canada and US (currently, there are flights to the UK, Singapore, and Dubai, but there is a demand to increase the frequency) Mohali airport has been given preference in comparison to Amritsar. In the changing geopolitical situation, it is also important to have direct flights between Amritsar and Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asia as discussed earlier (there are currently direct flights from Amritsar to Uzbekistan). When India’s economic ties with Afghanistan are normalised, it is important to have an Amritsar-Kabul air corridor in addition to the existing ones. Not only will this give a boost to economic linkages, but also medical tourism.

In the aftermath of the partition, the holy city of Amritsar has not been able to meet its economic potential, there have been numerous reasons; the primary ones being strained relations between India and Pakistan, as well as a lack of imaginative thinking on the part of policymakers in the state as well as at the national level — despite its potential as well as geographical location, it has been unable to redeem its position as an important economic hub not just for Panjab, but also in the regional context. As we commemorate 75 years of independence and partition, all stakeholders need to ensure, that the holy city of Amritsar which has emerged as an important tourist destination also emerges as a regional economic hub. 

*“The views expressed in the article are author’s personal and is not endorsed by the Global Policy Consortium (GPC) or assumed by their members”

AUTHOR: Harshpreet Singh, student at Indian School of Public Policy, New Delhi, India

Appointment in Samarra the novel by John O’ Hara, starts with an ancient Mesopotamian fable. It mentions a merchant who finds himself stalked by the Death in Baghdad, fearing the inevitable, he sprints to Samarra and what happens next is a well-known tale.

In spite of the similar challenge experienced by Electric Vehicles (EVs), zero emission vehicles were urgently needed due to post-industrialization in first-world countries and rising emission levels. As a result, EVs were created, mass-produced, encouraged, and adopted on a global scale. However, a Gordian knot was quickly encountered. The introduction of EVs would result in a higher demand for electricity in a world where fossil fuels still account for two thirds of global energy production (75% in case of India). More demand leads to more fossil fuel combustion, which produces more emissions.

Before ensuing into this deliberation, there’s a need for a historical perspective on EVs. It all started with a French physicist, Gaston Planté, who invented the lead-acid battery. The lead Acid battery is one of the oldest types of secondary or rechargeable battery. It has lead oxide as its electrodes and sulfuric acid as its electrolyte. Another French scientist, Camille Faure patented the idea of coating the electrodes to prevent eventual corrosion. Resulting in improving the overall range of the battery. The stage was set, Gustave Trouvé, a French inventor used a Siemens engine coupled with a lead-acid battery to ceremoniously invent the world’s the first electric car in 1891. The next decade witnessed a significant increase in research and development of Electric test vehicles by major car manufacturers. Ultimately, General Motors in December 1996, launched the world’s first mass-produced and street-legal electric vehicle, GM EV1.

Another breakthrough took effect with the invention of the lithium-ion battery by Noble award-winning chemist Stanley Whittingham. Lithium-ion batteries are highly advanced and offer more reliability & efficiency. Finally, in 2008, Tesla motors launched Roadster, the world’s first lithium battery-powered, street-legal EV. With Tesla’s profit sky-rocketing, the EV sector rumbled. All major car companies contributed to the EV race and turned the EV sector into a $287.36 billion global market in 2021.

EV Policy in India

Valued at $222billion, India is the fifth largest automobile market in the world. The need for mobility solutions for the rising population, and high greenhouse gas emissions have been major challenges for India. Amid concerns about the high oil import bill, deficit current account, and depleting natural reserves momentum was shifted to Electric Mobility.

National Electric Mobility Mission Plan (NEMMP) was launched in 2013 to provide a roadmap for EV development and adoption in India. This plan intended to enhance fuel security by saving around 9500 million liters of crude oil. This policy envisaged investing ₹14000 Crore to promote R&D. Under this plan, a new scheme Faster Adoption & Manufacture of Hybrid & Electric Vehicles (FAME) was launched in 2015. FAME scheme had the sole function of providing subsidies to the stakeholders. It focused on the increasing sale of EVs by providing incentives up to INR 29,000 for a two-wheeler and INR 1.38 Lac for a four-wheeler EV. FAME scheme was rolled out in two phases; Phase- I (2015-2019) and Phase- II (2019-2022). Initial capital outlay INR 75 crores was provided for FAME-I (2015-16FY) and INR 10000 crores were appropriated for FAME-II.

Another scheme National Program on Advanced Chemistry Cell Battery Storage (NPACC) has been launched by the Ministry of Heavy Industries & Public Enterprises. It approved INR 18100 crore Production-Linked Incentive (PLI) for manufacturers of Advanced batteries.

NITI Aayog recently released the Draft Battery swapping policy. It provides the EV user with an alternative to swap the battery instead of charging it. The policy takes into consideration the cost associated with the development of charging infrastructure. The mining sector reforms bill is due to be introduced in the current monsoon session. It will allow private players to invest in lithium mining. Several states & UTs have exclusively drafted their EV policies.

Overall Indian EV policies have been considerably successful as our EV market size was valued at $328.6 million in 2021.

On the Hook

These global facts and figures however impressive, will not be able to explain increased global warming estimates by IPCC. Hypothetically, neglecting emissions by developed countries, third world countries are still majorly powered by non-renewable resources. EV surge would mean further emissions and resource depletion. India which already imports 30 % of its coal use will suffer a huge setback.

Neither can these numbers, identify the real culprit behind the blatant use of child labor in the Lithium mining industry. Owing to its varied usability, Lithium (White gold) has been the most sought-after metal in recent years. Several reports indicate that; countries with huge lithium reserves like Chile, Argentina, and Congo have been carrying out child labor in mining. According to Amnesty International, these children work for 12 hours daily. They go deep into underground shafts, without any protective equipment. With several risks of occupation hazards, all they are paid is $1-2 daily.

These countries to boost their foreign reserves are committing unbearable damage to the environment. As to extract 1 ton of lithium, 500,000 gallons of water is required. So, such mining regions suffer water scarcity. Contamination of groundwater is another risk, which could lead to disastrous results for animals and mankind alike. India which has no known lithium reserves has to import it all from China, which further widens the trade balance between the countries.

Additionally, there are concerns that continued EV incentives may hurt the public transportation industry because, in countries like Norway, Denmark, and Sweden, people are merely purchasing subsidized EVs as alternatives to conventional vehicles. Not only would this increase traffic, but it will also result in employment losses in the public transportation industry.

The last thing we want to hear is the story of human abuse and environmental destruction behind purchasing an EV. Intellectually, we assume we are doing a good deed by helping the environment. So, I suppose these are the expenses we will have to incur in order to have a greener planet.

*“The views expressed in the article are author’s personal and is not endorsed by the Global Policy Consortium (GPC) or assumed by their members”

AUTHORS: AKHILA KUMARAN and SHATAKSHI GARG.

Akhila is a Ph.D. researcher at TISS, Mumbai, and Research Assistant at the Central Marine Fisheries Research Institute, Kochi. Shatakshi has completed her Master’s in Applied Economics, and is currently employed as PFM Consultant at eGovernments Foundation, Bengaluru, and was formerly with the 15th Finance Commission.

In 2021 when ManjammaJogathi danced their way to receive the Padma Shri (and to our hearts), a great deal more than an artist took the center stage. While not the first person from the transgender community to be recognized with the award for their distinguished contribution to the arts, Manjamma remains among the very select few. It is perhaps significant to examine not just why the recognition to the community has been late, but also what can be done about it. This essay is an attempt to examine one of the many ways through which gender can be mainstreamed focussing specifically on one such mechanism – the gender budget.

The idea of a budget is fairly straightforward in its economic logic, but what does not seem straightforward is what the economic logic of the document means for gender. How can one leverage an economic proposition and see it as an important part of gender justice? What do budgets ultimately portray about the priorities of the government? We argue that currently, as practiced, the budget document, especially the gender budget statement (GBS henceforth), misses several key components reducing it to an accounting statement. We argue instead that GBS is a ‘political document’ reflecting the priorities and choices exercised by the government and citizens; and as an indigenous scholar, Dr. Cana UluakItchuaqiyaq put it, “a moral document”.

In our analysis of the GBS in India, we underscore that there remain important yet unexplored opportunities within the conceptual framework that provides ample scope to broaden our vision for a gender-just society. We thus propose the need to re-think the framework by incorporating concepts of intersectionality, activate transparency, and information justice in the design of the GBS.

Gender Budgeting in India: A Short History

When we examine gender budgeting in India, the year 2005-06 marks the beginning of the attempt at the national level with the stated objective being:

“As part of the accounting reforms, it is the intention of the Government to consider aspects of beneficiary class identification for a meaningful analysis of the incidence of public expenditure and facilitate the evaluation of beneficiary-impact for identified targets groups. An initial and maiden effort has been made to present here the budget provisions that are substantially meant for the welfare of women and children.” (Statement 19 – Expenditure Budget, Union Budget, 2005-06)

The objective is certainly laudatory but we have not moved forward from budgetary allocations since then, making the GBS a mere accounting exercise without any outcome budget and/or benefit incidence analyses studies to follow up. Written in two parts – Part A reflects schemes that have 100% allocation for women and Part B showcases schemes with 30% or more allocation for women –the gender budget constitutes only a small part of the entire budget. As Shreya Raman, points out in the previous five years, budgetary allocations as a part of the total expenditure, have remained constant at five percent. (Please refer to Table 1).

Table 1: GB as a percent of Total Expenditure, 2017-18 to 2022-23 (all figures in percent)

	BE	RE	Actuals	The year-on-year decline in BE
2017-18	5.28	5.29	4.34
2018-19	5.09	5.11	4.98	3.47
2019-20	4.91	5.29	4.66	3.54
2020-21	4.72	6.01	4.33	4.04
2021-22	4.40	4.41		6.66
2022-23	4.33

Keeping in mind the small allocation,, it is important to consider what constitutes the gender component within the statement – for example, the GB 2022AYUSH ministry lists the Central Councils for Research in Ayurvedic Sciences, Siddha and Unani medicine in Part A. An explanatory note is required to justify such inclusion. What we echo, with gender budget stalwarts, is that there needs to be a more careful consideration of what constitutes the gender component of every policy/scheme.

Poor Fiscal Marksmanship: A Tale of Revolving Numbers

Even as an accounting statement, the GB displays features of poor fiscal marksmanship. This is evident with regards to the Revised Estimates (BE) of the allocation increasing dramatically (vis a vis the Budget Estimates) followed by the actual expenditure being closer to the BE figures(Please refer to Figures 1 and 2). This hints at the possibility that expenditures incurred are mostly non-capital in nature as well as the lack of planning(Table 2), pointing to a serious lack of understanding of what is the original goal of the gender-responsive budget: gender justice.

Figure 1: Total Gender Budget: Variation between BE, RE, and Actual figures (in Rs crore), 2004-05 to 2022-23

     Figure 2: Total Gender Budget: Variation between BE, RE, and Actual figures (in percent), 2017-18 to 2020-21

Table 2: Share of Capital Expenditure in Total Expenditure

	2021-22 Budget
	2019-20	2020-21 BE	2020-21 RE	2021-22 BE
Department of Rural Development	0.01	0.08
Ministry of Women and Child Development	0.00	0.00	0.02	0.02
Ministry of Education	2.35	2.24	0.27	0.03
Department of Agriculture, Cooperation and Farmers’ Welfare	0.01	0.04	0.05	0.05
Department of Health and Family Welfare	2.67	1.64	5.37	3.52
Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs*	45.90	42.26	22.03	47.19
Total Budget Expenditure	12.50	13.55	12.73	15.91

*Note: For the MHUA, while the share of capital expenditure of 47.92 percent in total expenditure of the Ministry is impressive, we have to look at the capital expenditure share on schemes covered under GB. In the Notes on Demand for Grants of the Ministry, we find zero capital expenditure on those schemes.

From Membership to Citizenship: Gender Budget as a tool for Gender Justice

Experts like Dr.LekhaChakraborty have consistently argued that GB is one important aspect of achieving gender equality. What we need is to build on the quantitative statement and make comprehensive changes. This means using qualitative studies to understand the situations on the ground. An illustrative example is mentioned in the book, Invisible Women by Caroline Criado-Perez citing how snow clearings done in Sweden had significantly different impacts on women and men. Criado-Perez points out that due to differences in travel patterns, there is an important effect on women when snow clearing is prioritized along the main arteries and only subsequently performed along the pedestrian and narrower pathways. Travel patterns show that overall men travel more along the main roads, with their commute comprising movements between work and home, whereas, for women who perform significant other unpaid work, the mode of commute is more complicated. Further, the differences in mode of transport reflect reasons of gender as well – the household division of unpaid care labor. For example, she points out that the practice of women making multiple short trips en route to work –“trip chaining” Therefore public policies often considered gender neutral, as Diane Elson puts it, are often gender blind.

Beyond the Binary: Incorporating Intersectionality within Gender Budget

The example stated above of snow clearing, for instance, is infinitely more complicated when we add the intersectionality of disability, race, and in the Indian context, caste as well. We feel this assumes specific significance in the wake of a pandemic where health and safety definitely require focus but we also need to broaden our scope to include and understand more than the usual axes of reproductive rights and maternal health, which do not reinforce gender stereotypes. As it can be clearly seen from Figure 3, six Ministries constitute 90 percent of the total gender budget.

Figure 2: Six Demands for Grants that constitute roughly 90 percent of the Total Gender Budget

Though it is encouraging to see demands arising from departments other than the Ministry of Women and Child Development and the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, as would often be the case, we must also keep in mind that as budgets expand, the definition of gender must also be inclusive. The Aayogreport on gender mainstreaming in governance provides useful insights in this regard by applying the gender lens to emerging needs in areas like skill development, climate change, domestic violence, and social inclusion.  It also mentions mention of the transgender community as the rightful recipients of several schemes. This is the direction that we need to follow.

Conclusion: Gender Budget as a tool for Information Justice?

Our analysis of the GB in India suggests the need to go back to the drawing board, drawing from the example of Rwanda perhaps, where the gender budgeting statement is supplemented with gender situation analysis, output, planned activities, indicators, and targets. In doing so, there is also the need to keep in mind the caveat of information justice. Jeffrey Alan Johnson states information justice is “A way of understanding data in the context of an information system and about justice directly”. Using such a notion, Johnson argues for subsuming the concept of open data within the information justice framework. In India with the rich legacy of the right to information movement, we need to argue for the rightful disclosure of public spending so that what is promised to citizens is delivered. In the context of the Gender Budget, we place the same logic for active rather than passive transparency. The former is when there is the availability of open data but the latter comes with the understanding of the different ways in which data presents issues of justice– who gets to design and govern data (social privilege), who gets to access uses data (capability), and who gets to use. By this we mean not only how data is available and free to use as budgets need to be, given that one is talking about public money, but also because there is a need to ensure that data privacy is ensured even as budgets become expansive. This, we propose, assumes significance in the wake of the inclusion of communities such as LGBTQIA+ regarding the concept of consent as the fulcrum.

A version of this essay, titled “Money talks: What do we want from the gender budget?” was presented at the 30^th International Association for Feminist Economics (IAFFE) Annual Conference on July 01, 2022

AUTHORS’ DECLARATION: The views and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors solely. They do not purport to reflect the opinions or views of the affiliated institutions.

*“The views expressed in the article are authors’ personal and are not endorsed by the Global Policy Consortium (GPC) or assumed by their members”

AUTHOR: AKANKSHA TIWARI

Throughout history, the maritime domain has been a critical place for building new and emerging powers, impacting regional dynamics and the larger security architecture. Today’s great power struggle is no different. With the rise of China across the Indian and Pacific oceans and the region constituting almost two-thirds of the world’s GDP, the Indo-Pacific inevitably becomes the new geographic space representing the new strategic reality of the twenty-first century. The Indo-Pacific region is geographically vital since it connects all major countries in the Indian Ocean, including Singapore, Indonesia, India, Sri Lanka, and other maritime nations. India’s current government believes in issue-based partnerships, which explains the country’s extensive involvement in the Indo-Pacific region.

India’s decision to join the Indo-Pacific region is threefold. First, China’s growing presence has jeopardized New Delhi’s position as a regional power and security provider. The lack of strategic competition in the region helped India establish itself as the primary security provider for many of its neighboring countries such as Bangladesh, Nepal, Maldives, and Sri Lanka. These countries gradually perceived New Delhi as the dominant security player in South Asia and the Indian Ocean thereby welcoming China as a preferable alternative. Secondly, better infrastructure and connectivity models are becoming increasingly important in Asia. The lack of alternatives to fulfill the rising demand for infrastructure led to many welcoming Beijing’s investments. It finally resulted in substantial growth in Chinese engagements and presence in the Indian Ocean region and throughout South Asia. When the Sri Lankan government leased the Hambantota Port to China and Colombo leased it to Beijing, India’s concerns about unsustainable debts to finance ambitious projects culminated in an economic and strategic threat since this places Beijing in uncomfortably close proximity to India’s maritime neighborhood. Finally, India’s reluctance to engage meaningfully with its island neighbors, such as Sri Lanka and the Maldives, worked as a catalyst for China’s involvement in India’s neighborhood.

Approaches and Partnerships

India’s Indo-Pacific strategy is built on two pillars, strengthening its national engagement with the region, and stronger partnerships with like-minded nations. As a result, India’s Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) began taking steps to address its shortcomings in island diplomacy. In 2016, India established the Indian Ocean Region Division (IOR) inside the MEA, which brings together the island states of the Maldives, Mauritius, Seychelles, and Sri Lanka for better coordination of the Indian Ocean activities and policy. The division signaled a shift in India’s foreign policy strategy, emphasizing the importance of the maritime domain in the country’s international activities. India’s approach after Prime Minister Modi’s address at Shangri-La in 2018 was more in terms of shared values and interests, laying out the prospects of an Indo-Pacific theatre. Since time immemorial, partnerships have played a critical role in India’s foreign policy. Australia, France, Japan, and the United States emerged as the pillars of India’s Indo-Pacific partnerships. Other significant players include Africa, Indonesia, and Singapore; organizations like ASEAN and the European Union, and island communities across the Indian Ocean, Pacific Ocean, and the Caribbean. The way India manages its relations with Iran, Russia, and the United Arab Emirates also has an impact on both its own priorities and the global security architecture.

With Japan, in 2015, India unveiled the Partnership for Quality Infrastructure program, which aims to promote sustainable, high-quality, and cost-effective infrastructure as a viable alternative to Chinese projects. The Asia-Africa Growth Corridor, a project primarily considered a direct opposition to China’s Maritime Silk Road, was launched in 2016 by New Delhi and Tokyo to highlight the potential and necessity of connecting Asia and Africa. India and Japan have also collectively announced projects such as a port in the southern city of Chabahar, Iran, and a terminal in Sri Lanka to face the security challenges.

With Australia, the Indo-Pacific served as an opportunity for India to enhance its existing relationship by building close bilateral and trilateral relationships such as adding a fourth ‘C,’ Coal, to its existing ‘Commonwealth, Cricket, and Curry’ relationship. Moreover, the launch of the trilateral Supply Chain Resilience Initiative (SCRI) along with Japan and Australia can act as a potential alternative to Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). The SCRI is an indirect move to reduce the over-dependence on Chinese imports. It is committed to promoting trade facilitation by supporting the utilization of digital technology and holding investment promotion events to provide opportunities for stakeholders to explore the possibility of diversification of their supply chains.

India increased cooperation with France and the United States. France and India launched the International Solar Alliance to promote renewable energy and combat climate change. India is also a part of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) along with Australia, Japan, and the United States, an initiative proposed by Japanese Prime Minister Mr. Shinzo Abe in 2007 to join forces against the growing Chinese belligerence in the region. The Quad seems to be more vital than ever to de-escalate the ever-increasing tensions arising from Chinese aggression. Over time, the Quad members have increased their cooperation and signed and announced security and economic agreements. Given the growing cooperation among the Quad and Quad-Plus countries, the need to ensure freedom of navigation, humanitarian aid and disaster relief, energy preservation, regional capacity building, territorial connectivity, economic transparency, assistance to combat the COVID-19 pandemic, and the development of financially viable alternatives to Xi Jinping’s One Belt One Road (OBOR) policy is of shared concerns.

In Europe, the association has mainly been dominated by trade. Both the European Union and India commonly vouch for the maintenance of order and support the role and significance of all existing regional institutions, specifically the Indian Ocean Rim Association, ASEAN, and others. The primary area of interest is maritime security and infrastructural development. The relationship between India and Europe provides New Delhi with new partners and resources that are vital to facing contemporary challenges. To strengthen this connection, New Delhi has made significant efforts to reconnect with the European nations, through the European Union and also on a bilateral basis.

Furthermore, the competition between India and China has made the African coastline on the Western Indian Ocean a strategic location. Regarding maritime security, the Indian navy is raising its footprint in the Western Indian Ocean via humanitarian assistance and capacity building. New Delhi, as a step to increase cooperation with the region, has declared the inauguration of eighteen new missions to give a boost to the political and strategic interest of the region. Along with this, several other efforts have also been made by the Indian government to strengthen its relationship with the African region, which includes initiating involvement with the Arab Gulf Nations- specifically Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.

The Act East Policy of India (AEP) is a highly diplomatic policy undertaken to ensure the promotion of cultural, economic, and strategic relations with Asia Pacific regions. In 2014 when Prime Minister Narendra Modi introduced the Act East Policy the economic condition of India was robust and the global profile was much higher than what it was during the Look East Policy of 1991. Narendra Modi brought in new techniques to intensify economic, strategic, and diplomatic relations with countries that share common interests with India.

After the end of the cold war in 1991 major changes were brought by countries in Asia. India also brought in several changes in its policies, firstly adoption of economic reforms of 1990 brought in major development strategies. Secondly, after the thawing of the cold war, India adopted multiple foreign policies which helped to make economic and strategic ties easier with the United States. This relationship between India and the US led to the signing of the historic civil nuclear cooperation agreement in 2008. Lastly, in 1992, the Look East Policy was introduced as a response to new challenges coming it’s way. India’s relation with ASEAN, Japan, South Korea, and now Australia shows the vast network of institutional structures which lent support for bilateral arrangements. PM Modi gave huge importance to the need to expand relations beyond bilateral ambit which proves the involvement of India in the development of trilateral relations of India-US- Japan and also involvement in quadrilateral meetings with the US, Japan, and Australia since 2017. The essential objectives of Act East Policy include promoting economic cooperation and increasing interaction among the North-East Indian States. The Act East Policy also works to find out alternatives for traditional business partners. Lastly, it tries to curb the increasing impact of China on the ASEAN region. Under the AEP the government relies on 3 Cs primarily, Culture, Connectivity, and Commerce for development.

Conclusion

To conclude, Indo-Pacific locations are extremely important to India since the Indo-Pacific has been dubbed a “new theatre of competition,” with India positioned as one of the key players in the twenty-first century. However, describing and displaying India’s approach to the Indo-Pacific has been difficult, particularly due to geopolitical constraints. The transformation in New Delhi’s foreign policy was one of India’s most significant challenges. Second, China’s ascent and increased partnership in India’s neighborhood have produced substantial concern in political calculation. Finally, the Sino-Indian rivalry has led to a shift in foreign policy exchanges.

It is safe to say that the Indo-Pacific holds immense importance for India. The primary usage of such a platform can be useful for sharing assessments of Chinese capabilities, intentions, and operations, and suggesting plausible ways to counter such provocations. The secondary benefit that can be exploited out of this alignment is maritime security and economic cooperation, given the growing understanding among the Indo-Pacific countries. Moreover, cyber-security, vaccination distribution, and climate change have also been the talks of shared concern.

*“The views expressed in the article are author’s personal and are not endorsed by the Global Policy Consortium (GPC) or assumed by their members”